THE TOWN UNIONS & THE EZE INSTITUTION IN IGBOLAND-gctid27876

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EPISODES IN ENCOUNTER BETWEEN THE TOWN UNIONS AND THE EZE INSTITUTION IN IGBOLAND OVER ISSUES OF GOOD GOVERNANCE


A.C.Nwosu

1.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1 The Problem

The consequent entrenchment of powerful and centralised institutions of governance in society has continued to threaten the existential essence of man in his local and national environment. The Igbo were originally free from such centralized and despotic institutions of governance.

However, to facilitate governance in Igboland where kingship institutions were few, or to achieve uniformity with the rest of the country, the colonial masters created the "warrant chiefs" with the ordinance of 1916. With the attainment of independence, the warrant chiefs became anachronistic and irrelevant. Perhaps to achieve the same objective as the colonial masters, the military government in 1978 created autonomous communities and decreed that each community be placed under a traditional ruler (Eze or Obi in some areas). The proliferation of kingship institution was thus engineered in an area of Nigeria where the predominant political organization was the "democratic village republic" in which the traditional local institution for governance has been the town union. The situation now is that there exists in most communities in Igboland two dominant institutions for governance - the town union which is at the apex of the system of unions/assemblies that are part of the democratic village republic and the Eze Institution fostered by the government.

The problem is that conflict situations have arisen in many communities. There is conflict over the relationship between the town union (or its president) and the Eze. There is conflict over accession and succession to the Eze stool, which has tended to destabilize the town union. There is also conflict over the Eze's area of jurisdiction and the town unions' area of jurisdiction. The gravity of the situation is perhaps evidenced by the numerous litigations on these matters pending in law courts all over Igboland.

1.2 The Objectives

The broad objective of the study is to analyse the involvement of the Town Union and Eze Institution in governance, highlighting the consequent encounter between the two bodies using case studies. More specifically, the study has attempted to achieve the following objectives:

  1. Examine the roles of the Town Union and the Eze Institution in the governance of communities;
  2. Analyse the relationship and identify the interface between the Town Union and the Eze Institution with a view to understanding the nature, sources and causes of the conflicts between them.
  3. Make recommendations to foster harmonious relationship between the Eze and the Town Union in the governance of communities.

1.3 Area of Study

For studying episodes in the encounter between the Town Union and the Eze Institution, two autonomous communities were purposively selected to reflect situations of harmonious and conflict relationships. The autonomous communities selected are Ifakala in Mbaitoli Local Government Area and Mbieri also in Mbaitoli Local Government both in Imo State.

The population of Ifakala consists largely of indigenes of Ifakala. There are nevertheless some non-indigenes who work for government establishments located in the community. The commonly spoken language is a dialect of Igbo. Ifakala is a rural community composed of five villages with an aggregate population of about 30,000. The villages are: Owere, Umuagwuoche, Uba/Amazu, Umutaku/Umungwo and Amafor.

Each village is composed of two or more kindreds. Beyond the family, the individual derives support from the kindred, the village and the town, in that order.

Mbieri, another community chosen for study, consists predominantly of the indigenous population. However, there are non-indigenes who either do business in the community or work in government establishments in the community. Igbo is the commonly spoken language. Mbieri is 705 rural communities composed of 18 villages with a population of about 75,000 people. The villages are Obokwe, Umuahii, Umuomumu, Umuduru, Umuobom, Ubakuru, Amankuta, Umuagwu and Ebom. Others are: Ohohia, Awo, Eziome, Amaulu, Umunjam, Umuonyeali, Umudagu, Obazu and Achi. Each village is composed of four or more kindreds. Though the family is the basic social and political unit, the individual derives support from the kindred, the village and town, in that order.

1.4 Methodology

Face-to-face interviews of selected persons from the community was the method of data collection adopted for the study. The persons interviewed include present and past members of the executive of town unions, members of Eze's council and other knowledgeable persons and leaders in the community. A comprehensive interview guide prepared by the researcher was used to ensure that the interview was focused. The interview guide was aimed at eliciting information on the roles of both the Town Union and the Eze Institution in governance and, more particularly, on the relationship between the two institutions.

2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW

Since the mid-1980s, scholars and policy analysts have taken increasing interest in the role of local institutions in the social and economic development and governance of communities in the developing world. Slocum et al (1995:3) maintains that popular participation in development is broadly understood as active involvement of people in making decisions about the implementation of processes, programmes and projects which affect them. Escalating social and economic crises have led to the questioning of the pre-eminent role of the state and state-based institutions in social and economic management, hence the World Bank has been giving increasing attention of late to the social and institutional conditions for sustainable development. These include the organizational capacities not only of governments but also of communities and civil society (Cleaver 1993: vi). The persistence of social and economic crisis is seen as an indication of the poor performance of the state and state-based institutions. Therefore, there is a need to involve civil society in governance. To achieve this level of collaboration Cleaver says:

   It will be necessary to overcome the evident 'disconnect' between government and community, both by enabling and supporting local initiatives and increasing the responsive-ness and accountability of government services.

The interest in local development institutions is further reinforced by the need for structural change - in particular, economic management, forced on many Third World nations by the persistent economic and social crisis. In Nigeria, an important aspect of the structural change was the "public sector reforms" aimed at reducing the overbearing influence of the public sector in virtually all facets of Nigerian economic and social life. The reforms were aimed at reducing the scope and activities of the public sector to create more room for private sector participation. In this connection, there is increasing awareness of the need to strengthen and incorporate indigenous organizations and administrative structures which have existed almost incognito, but have provided stability and fostered self-reliant development within local communities. Kmtyw scholars and policy-makers are beginning to realise that the local institutions appear to have proved more successful in engineering development within local communities than the state has done in economic and social management (see Richards, 1985; Ake, 1987). In Nigeria, even the effort made in recent years to decentralise governance to the level of local governments appears inadequate for effectively reaching the grassroots (see Wansch and Olowu, 1990).

The point that should be stressed is that the historical and contemporary roles which indigenous institutions play in the governance and administration of communities in Nigeria have not received much attention. What has been emphasized is the development role of such institutions. Mitchel (1967) has identified eight types of indigenous institutions which play dominant roles in rural development. The author identified the council of chiefs and advisory body of elders instituted by the people to provide governance in most villages. Another institution identified by the author consists of the village-street councils which bring together family kinships, street-households and male and female groups to discuss and find solutions for their common problems. There are also the various women's institutions or unions whose primary objectives are to solve domestic and community problems especially those affecting the women.

The fourth indigenous institution identified by Mitchel consists of "resource institutions." These include thrift and credit organizations such as the "esusu" and the weekly savings union of men and women. There are also the "craft" institutions which are largely trade guilds for members in skilled/unskilled trades, merchandise enterprises and various non-farm crafts. The guilds regulate the conduct of members in the practice of the trade.

Yet, other institutions are the labour supply institutions, the market institutions, and the market unions. Examples of the labour supply institutions are the "Owe" and the "Aro" in the Yoruba speaking areas of Nigeria and the age-grade forms of rotational labour found in many parts of Eastern Nigeria. The market institutions consist of the producers, wholesalers, retailers, and middlemen associations found in most major markets. The associations regulate the conduct of market transactions and protect the interest of their members. Finally, there are the religious institutions, including the traditional and modern religions. The regulations, mode of worship, and festivities of religious institutions are, according to Mitchel, a major force in economic transactions and social behaviours in the rural areas. Various other analysts have highlighted the important contributions of local institutions to community development. According to Michael (1973), the Isusu (Esusu in Yoruba and Adashi in Haunited snakes) is a typical example of an indigenous cooperative which has evolved in the face of the inability of the formal savings and credit institutions to cater adequately for the financial needs of rural communities. Fafunwa (1974) has highlighted the social, political and economic functions of age grades in terms of road construction, building of bridges, erection of public buildings and cleaning of village paths and markets. Nsugbe (1974) has also talked about the rivalry among age-sets in Ohafia with respect to the inception of community development projects. The move by one age group to initiate a development project is seen by other age-grades as a challenge. Chima (1982) in his study of the age-grade system in Afikpo has emphasized the role which Ndichie (Council of elders) play as the judicial arm of the community. Ujoatuonu (1985) identified the main objectives of the town unions in Mbaise as promoting peace and unity, providing moral and financial support to members and promoting community development projects.

The role of town unions in the developmental process of Igbo towns is as old as the Igbo nation. Honey et al. (1998:7), citing Chinua Achebe, highlights the activities of "Umuofia Progressive Union" in Achebe's novel, No Longer at Ease, featuring prominently the assistance the union gave to a promising son of Umuofia Obi Okonkwo.

Ejeh (1988) has emphasized the crucial role which local institutions played in the massive reconstruction of facilities and infrastructure in Eastern Nigeria following the end of the civil war. Health institutions, roads, bridges markets and other projects were constructed by the communities. The reconstruction of primary and post primary schools and the building and equipping of new ones were initiated by one local institution or the other.

A type of local institutions not mentioned by Mitchel consists of the "Social Clubs", which have gained prominence in many parts of Eastern Nigeria. As the name implies, the clubs cater primarily for the social and, sometimes, economic welfare of its members. According to Mgbeahuru (1983), social clubs have usually looked beyond the welfare of individual members and have contributed significantly to the provision of recreational centres, roads, bridges, postal agencies and schools for the use of the entire community. In the opinion of the author, social clubs have helped to redefine the traditional obligation of the Igbo descent group in the light of modern urban life.

In recognition of the important contribution of local institutions to community development, the Anambra Government enacted Edict No.22 of 1986, to enhance the role played by the institutions. The edict gave legal status to town unions and community development associations in their rural development activities, and made provisions for safeguarding community contributions for self- help projects. The edict, perhaps the first of its kind in the country, was aimed at providing a legal framework for the smooth implementation of rural development projects in the state.

The Imo State government had also sought to harness the energies and resources of major local institutions to facilitate rural development. The government in its "Blueprint on Rural Development in Imo State", introduced in 1986, defined roles for local development institutions and the Eze (i.e. the traditional rulership) institution. According to the document, "town unions are to disseminate information about government policies, mould public opinion, raise funds, expand and extend the utilities, undertake and encourage group farming activities and help in the maintenance of law and order". Women's groups are to diffuse innovation and implement programmes. The social clubs are to serve as agents of social mobilization for economic ventures. The Eze - the traditional head of the autonomous community - has the responsibility of mobilizing the people for constructive work. The state and local governments are to supply grants-in-aid.

A greater awareness of the relevance of indigenous institutions was created with the programme aimed at strengthening local development institutions, initiated by the Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI) in the late 1980s. Through the programme, the development capacity of local institutions such as traditional councils, community unions, age-grades, social clubs, credit unions, occupational groups and religious organizations was to be enhanced. The DFRRI attempt now appears to have achieved limited success as it perhaps did not go beyond the identification of types of local development institutions.

A recent study undertaken by the research group on Local Institutions and Socio-economic Development in Nigeria (LISDP) focused on the mode of operation and the performance of local development institutions in their development role (Olowu et al, 1991), without delving significantly into their roles in the governance and administration of communities. The indication nevertheless, is that local institutions make significant contributions to the governance of, especially, rural communities. Such roles, however, have not been emphasized in available literature. What has been emphasized is their role in the development of a social and economic infrastructure.

According to Afigbo (1972), attempts by the colonial administration to introduce a centralized political system met with considerable resistance. The attempts nevertheless culminated in the creation of "warrant chiefs" who assumed the position of governance and subjected the other local institutions to social and economic role. The warrant chiefs assisted in tax collection and conveyed the directives of the colonial administration to the people. The ordinance of 1916 enacted by the colonial administration was aimed at protecting the position of the warrant chiefs and the "few constitutional village monarchs".

The Chieftaincy Edict of 1978 would therefore appear to be a contemporary extension of colonial attempt to create kingship institutions in Igboland. Article (25)2 of the Chieftaincy Edict shows government recognition of two ruling houses in Oguta autonomous community in Ohaji/Egbema/Oguta local government based on the colonial warrant chief lineage. The problem which the colonial administration and later the national governments had perhaps stems from the fact that there were no centralized political mechanisms that function continuously in Igboland. Such centralized and authoritative political systems existed within other major ethnic groupings and appear to have been used, especially, by the colonial and military governments to reach the "grassroot". The "democratic village republic" characterised by the family, kindred and village assemblies that give virtually equal hearing to the elders and other adult male members alike is too decentralized to serve the purpose of both governments. Its administrative structure is undifferentiated, its processes are rather informal and authority is diffused. Though the warrant chiefs and Ezes have come to stay, the resultant conflicts between these institutions and the town union are a matter for concern in Igboland.

The conflicts that arise from the inter-relationships of local institutions and the obstacles which such conflicts pose for community development has been analysed generally by several authors (see Dabrender E. 1959; Simmel, 1961; Mills, 1965; Giddins, 1978, and Lukcas, 1976). The authors have presented theoretical exposition of the types, sources and effects of conflicts on the development of rural communities.

Scholars and policy analysts have shown greater interest in the contribution of grassroots institutions to governance and socio-economic development of local communities since the 1980s. Worsening political and socio-economic conditions appear to erode the confidence of the state and state-based institutions in the political, social and economic management of communities. Increasing social and economic crisis is regarded as an indication of failure on the part of the state and state-based institutions.

The analyses that have focused on the situation in Igboland are those of Nwosu (1991 and 1996), and Ukaegbu and Agunwamba (1995). The authors drew examples of conflict situations in Imo and Anambra state. According to the authors, antagonistic social relations arise from "conflicts over resources" or "conflict over core values".

In the opinion of Ukaegbu and Agunwamba, the proliferation of the Eze institution and chieftaincy titles has been a major source of social conflicts in Igboland. Conflicts have arisen from lack of unanimity in the mode of accession and succession to the Eze stool. In some places, it is the intrinsic desire to maintain tradition by restricting rulership to the ruling class (or families) that has fuelled the conflict. In other instances, it is the extrinsic factor of the quest for a group of people to retain traditional political power that is the source of the conflict. The extrinsic factor perhaps also explains the clash and incompatibility that appears to characterise the relationship between the Town Union (or its chairman) and the Eze.

3.0 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK

To put subsequent discussions in proper perspective, it is considered necessary to deliberate on some conceptual issues. The primary focus of the study is the state/civil society relationship in governance. It is considered important to briefly examine the concepts of the state and civil society as they apply in this study, to ensure that the study has relevance in the context of the broad research on civil society and governance. More specifically it is necessary to properly situate the two institutions: to identify the particular "niche" which they occupy in the state or civil society. This is important since both are community-based local development institutions and can easily be confused as belonging to the same realm. The analysis in this section will therefore be in three parts. In sections one and two, profiles of the Town Union and Eze Institution will be provided. Section three will attempt to justify their inclusion in the realm of either the civil society or the state.

3.1. The Town Union

A review of the socio-political structure of the pre-colonial Igbo society will not only provide the background within which to situate the problem of the study but will also provide the track record required to trace the genesis of the conflicts that exist between the Town Union and the Eze Institution. Prior to the advent of the colonial masters, Kmtyw societies had their own institutions of governance which controlled political, economic, social and cultural activities to attain the collective and societal objectives of the people. The Igbo therefore possessed their own political system different from that of the Haunited snakes/Fulani, the Yoruba, the Benin Kingdom, etc. Afigbo (1972:17) says that:

   For the Igbo the largest political unit was usually the village-group, each member village being in fact largely autonomous. Therefore the Igbo political system operated through a complex confederacy which balanced central authority under the village-group council or "Ogbako Umunna" with the more locally derived authority of the village-group or "Umunna", elders, Ozo title holders and Okparas who are also the Ofo title holders.

The terms village-group council and village assembly will be used interchangeably to refer to the Igbo confederate central authority, while Umunna village-group and "ndi amala" refers to the more locally derived authority made up of the Okparas, elders and Ozo title holders at the village level. It is also important to note that secular power was reinforced with the sanction of the supernatural, and religious and political issues were therefore closely related as revealed by Igbo ceremonies and festivals. Thus Jones (1957:16) opines that:

   The traditional government of communities in the eastern region of Nigeria depended on the general will of the component segment groups as expressed through their representatives at a general meeting of the tribe. Every local community has some person or persons whom they referred to by a term signifying head.

The segmentary confederacy in the Igbo nation therefore provided for governance at the various levels of the component units that make-up the people's political system. Onwuka et al. (1997:128), describes the Igbo political system thus:

   Political participation starts from the family which is the smallest social unit. The next is the compound which consists of a number of families and house-holds of common descent held commonly together economically, politically and culturally. Here the "Okpara" (first-born) of the most senior family exercised political authority.

Thus the family and the compound form the primary political units at the local level. Other higher level political units are the kindred assembly, the village assembly and the village group council. The family meeting maintains order within the extended family by ensuring that family members behave in a manner that is conducive to interpersonal relations within the family. Family meetings also ensure orderly allocation of common resources. Enforcement of family meeting decisions is largely by moralisation and peer pressure, and sometimes coercion. In very rare cases a flagrant breach of the family code may attract ostracisation especially in moments of distress (like death and burial of one's wife or child) when the individual would need the support of other family members. However, an aggrieved member, dissatisfied with the family decision, may appeal to the kindred union or invite some elders to examine the case between him and his family group.

The kindred is made up of related family groups which share a common ancestry (or founder). It is the next political structure above the family. The kindred assembly is presided over by the eldest Okpara1. The kindred union is similar to the family meeting except that it ordinarily deals with issues that affect the entire kindred.

The village assembly or village group may be referred to as the "Umunna". It is usually made up of every adult male of the village while the executive is made up of the Okparas who are also the Ofo holders, other elders and the Ozo title holders2. The eldest Okpara of the most senior kindred who is the holder of the big Ofo (Ofo ukwu)3 presides over the village assembly. Describing the make-up of the village assembly, Onwuka et al. (1997:129) say that the Okpara (first son) of the most senior kindred in the village presides over the meetings of the village assembly held at the village square. It also consists of Ofo staff office holders and other titled men. They go further to opine that the village assembly is therefore democratic as vital political, social and economic decisions are usually taken here through dialogue, consultation and consensus.

The village union handles issues and problems that concern the entire village. Individuals can nevertheless take their complaints to the village union especially if they are not satisfied with the decisions taken at the kindred union or if the dispute is between people from different kindreds within the village.

The town group union is what Afigbo (1972:17) calls the village-group council. He says that the village enjoyed autonomy in its own affairs but matters which involved outside interests go to the village-group council, a body which comprised all the village heads of all other segments as well as other elders. In actual fact any adult male member of the village group could attend and insist on being heard. Onwuka et al. (1997:130) maintains that "this body could be rightly described as the supreme body of Igbo towns".

From the above political arrangement, centralized and powerful traditional rulers were rare in pre-colonial Igbo society. Afigbo (1972:34) affirms that the conclusion which emerges from the whole analysis is that at the time British rule was imposed on the Ibo and their neighbours, no community east of the Niger had a leader who could be made, without compromising the traditional constitution of fulfilling the role with a chief. There were nevertheless a few places in the border towns in Igboland where there were traditional rulers. These border towns were influenced by the neighbouring towns such as in the Benin kingdom, Ijaw, Igala and Ibibio tribes. Onwuka et al. (1972:1270) says that the presidential monarchy was common among the Igbo communities which had close contact with non-Igbo neighbours like Benin and Ibibio.

Therefore, apart from the few centralized traditional rulers at the border towns, the Igbo pre-colonial political system was, according to Dare et al. (1987:81), "an exercise in direct democracy. It involved participation by all the male adults". Political, economic, social and other matters of public interest were thrown open at the village group council for discussion and implementation.

Society and culture are dynamic; therefore social institutions grow with the society. The village-group council has continued to grow with the Igbo society and has acquired new names like central union, group union, progressive association, development union, town union, etc. Thus, in the developing Igbo societies the town union has assumed the status of civil society organization with improved administrative structures. Apart from undertaking several development and infrastructural projects, it has continued to serve as the organ for local administration in Igboland.

3.2. The Eze Institution:

Perhaps the best way to start the analysis in this section is to make reference to a popular Igbo saying - "Igbo enwe eze"- which literally translated means "Igbo have no king". This saying is in obvious reference to the fact that historically the Igbo never established "kingdoms or empires presided over by supreme rulers". According to Uchendu (1965), the few kingship institutions that emerged among the Igbo before the 1978 Edict were "intrusive traits". Kingship institutions were more like aberrations in an area where the dominant political organization was the democratic village republic.

The problem which the colonial administration and later the national governments faced in the governance of the Igbo derived from the fact that there were no centralized political mechanisms that functioned continuously in Igboland. Such centralized and authoritative political systems existed within other major ethnic groupings and were used by colonial and national governments to provide governance at the grassroots. The "democratic village republic" characterized by the family, kindred and village assemblies, that give virtually equal consideration to the elders and other adult male members alike, could not quite serve the bureaucratic purpose of government.

Thus after the amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria in 1914, the colonial masters, in the period between 1916 and 1925, inflicted a devastating blow on the old and established order of local governance in Igboland. Unable to find centralized and powerful traditional rulers, the colonial masters, according to Dare et al. (1987:94), "employed the services of the most forward among the people by making them chiefs by warrants without due regard for the status of the people concerned".4 Thus there was no attempt by the British to study and understand the Igbo and find out who possessed political power and where the system's political sovereignty lay. The British police, backed by the colonial native courts, intimidated the Ofo and Ozo title holders to succumb to British imperialism. According to Afigbo (1972:68), "it was also official policy to seize local leaders and keep them as hostages to be released only if government demands were met by their people". The people could not resist the British military superiority. In collaboration with their loyalists, therefore, the British tried to disintegrate the village-group councils and town unions. In their place, Afigbo (172:21) reveals that the British selected certain natives who they thought were traditional chiefs and gave them certificates of recognition and authority called warrants.5 The warrants entitled each of these men to sit in the native courts from time to time to judge cases. It also empowered them to assume within the community they represented executive and judicial powers which were novel both in degree and territorial scope.

Consequently, with the 1916 ordinance that created the warrant chiefs, local authority in Igboland became centralized. Conflict arose between the village assemblies and these newly imposed centralized authorities by the colonial masters. Through their village-group councils and town unions, the Igbo organized themselves and resisted the autocratic administration orders of the warrant chiefs6 which is an extension of the colonial government.7 According to Dare et al., (1987:95):

   The people of Eastern provinces had resisted the warrant chief system for some time but in 1929 they had an opportunity to show their dis-satisfaction openly. One of the outcomes of the people's dissatisfaction is Aba riots of 1929, which spread like bush fire throughout the eastern region.

Even though the degree and territorial scope of the warrant chiefs' authority was alien to the Igbo, their mode and method of operation reflected their determination to endorse government policy and undermine the interests of civil society organizations and the people they represent. Afigbo (1972:257) observes that because the warrant chiefs were not accountable to their kith and kin, this was proof to the people that the chiefs, like the court messengers, the police, soldiers, court clerks and the like, were civil servants.8 Thus, the warrant chiefs were the outcome of a vagrant search by the colonial masters for a political system that would serve their dictatorial and exploitative model for governance. Consequently, the resultant conflict between the government representatives and the town unions destabilized the socio-political equanimity prevalent in the pre-colonial Igbo society.

The inference to be drawn from the above analysis is that there were no centralized traditional authorities like Eze Institution in Igboland before the colonialists came. However, the termination of colonialism and attainment of independence on 1st October 1960 brought mixed blessings to the warrant chiefs. They were neither relevant nor scrapped from the political system of the country. The national government continued the retention of some of these alien traditional institutions with statutes, despite their waning influence and rejection by the people. Adeniran et al. (1969:35) affirms that in most if not all the states, the traditional local leaders and ex-officio members still had a vital role to play on local councils.

The civil war which devastated all aspects of the Igbo's life did not leave out the warrant chiefs. The consequent military dictatorship which followed the end of the civil war did not help matters either; thus the civil war and the post civil war military regime eroded what was left of the influence of the warrant chiefs in Igboland.

It is important to note that from the available data, the Igbo town unions became strong and flourished once more as the accepted civil society organizations for local governance. Between 1971 and 1978 town unions took up reconstruction and development projects like town halls, civic centres, water and electricity projects in their various communities.

Ejeh (1988) says that since the town unions were the people's indigenous organ of governance, mobilization of the people and fund raising became easier. The democratic nature of the town unions was the secret of their acceptability and viability.

The above period however was to be another fleeting moment in the re-emergence of the town unions as the dominant institution for governance, as the Olusegun Obasanjo military regime, in revealing their plans to return the country to civilian rule, came out with the idea of creating a House of Chiefs at state level as a second legislative arm. Since, unlike the Haunited snakes/Fulani, Yoruba and Bini Kingdoms, the Igbo lacked centralized and powerful traditional rulers the question of who should be members of the House of Chiefs and the chiefs' constituencies in the Eastern States posed a problem to the government. To solve this problem the federal government set up a Chieftaincy Committee in the former East Central State headed by Professor Udenigwe. The Committee, which had Professor A.E. Afigbo as member, was charged with the responsibility of reviewing the "chiefless" situation in Eastern Nigeria and making recommendations to the federal government. Before the committee could start work, however, new states were created, and members of the Chieftaincy Committee parted ways, while the chieftaincy issue was shifted to the military governors. The fact that the military governors during the period under review were soldiers and non-indigenes of the states, and perhaps cared very little about what constituted the political system of "Ndi Igbo", may explain the turn of events. The military governors created autonomous communities as constituencies for the would-be chiefs and passed the 1978 Chieftaincy Edict creating the Eze or chieftaincy institution in each autonomous community. Ogbuagu (1995:7) affirms that since Nigeria gained political independence from Britain, the foundation on which the traditional system stands has shifted many times; traditional rulership in Igboland has become a creature of, and sustained by, statutes particularly that of the constitution of the land.

Thus, the Eze Institution emerged in Igboland through the military administration with Edict No.22 of 1978 titled Chieftaincy Edict 1978. Although Article 3.1 of the Chieftaincy Edict asked the autonomous communities to select their own chiefs, the same article of the edict required the people to present the selected chief (or Eze in Igboland) to the chief executive of their local government, who is to present the Eze with the staff of office. Thus, the Eze Institution was juxtaposed between the local government and the community, where the town union already existed as the apex institution of local governance.

Article 2 of the edict nevertheless says that the chief will be identified and selected by his people according to their own tradition and united snakesges. At this juncture it is important to note that:

1. The government created the chieftaincy (or Eze) institution with government statute (Chieftaincy Edict of 1978.)

2. The Eze or chieftaincy Institution was not created by the tradition and cultural mores of the people.

3. Even though the government asked the people to select the chiefs according to their own traditions and united snakesges, the traditions were not in existence because the centralized Eze or chieftaincy institution created by the government did not conform with the "village democratic republic" which the people were used to.

Since there were no laid down traditions and indigenous methods for selecting the chiefs, the Chieftaincy Edict of 1978 would appear to be a contemporary extension of the colonial attempt to create kingship institutions in Igboland. The government would appear to indirectly revive the warrant chiefs. The families and descendants of the colonial warrant chiefs saw the edict as an ample opportunity to regain power once more. They paraded themselves as heirs to the warrant chiefs whom they claim to be the people's "last Ezes". In many places the various households of the colonial warrant chiefs assumed the status of ruling houses and subsequently claimed hereditary right of succession to the Eze stool of the created autonomous communities. This received government backing and recognition.

Article 25(2) of the Chieftaincy Edict actually recognized two ruling houses in Oguta autonomous community in Ohaji/Egbema/Oguta local government area of Imo State. Thus backed and recognized by government, traditional rulers (or Ezes) became a major instrument of local governance for national government. Ogbuagu (1983:489) opines that even:

   In the often-cited 1976 nation-wide local government reforms, traditional rulers (chiefs) were accorded positions in the local government councils.

Hence the powers of the "Ezes" assumed larger dimensions despite the fact that the Chieftaincy Edict of July 15 1978 defined the functions of the traditional ruler as follows:

(i) Representing the communities at ceremonies and receiving dignitaries.

(ii) Presiding at community festivals and other important occasions of the community.

(iii) Assisting in the maintenance of law and order, and acting as the custodian of the culture, custom and tradition of their people;

(iv) Involving himself in development projects and assisting local governments in the collection of taxes, rates and community levies.

The function of the Eze would appear to be ceremonial. The Eze has no legislative powers and, in practice, he is hardly involved in the collection of taxes, rates and levies.

In many communities, however, the Ezes sought to encroach into the town unions' areas of jurisdiction. Some sought to dissolve the town unions. Thus, the introduction of the Eze institution generally generated conflicts which have manifested in several court cases all over Igboland.

3.3 The Role of Women in Governance

In the Igbo pre-colonial society, governance and administration of the communities were not exclusive affairs for men, even though the men were at the apex of the system which Okonjo (1988) referred to as the "dual political system." In Igboland, the women have their own organizations for governance parallel to those of men. Just as the men have family, kindred, village and town level unions/ associations, the women have similar organisations. Women's voices are heard from their organizations, and through these they participated in governance at various levels of the community. Okonjo (1988) succinctly reveals this pattern of authority in the following extract:

   In this Society, political power is diffuse and leadership was fluid and informal. Community decisions were made and disputes settled in a variety of gathering, village wide assembles, women's meetings, age grades, secret and title societies... Decisions were made by discussions until mutual agreement was reached.

Therefore, women participated in decision making at various levels and in different ways in many communities. For example, among the Igbos of Midwestern Nigeria, the villages are ruled jointly by the Obi (King) and Omu (Queen). The Omu is not the Obi's wife. She is selected by the women on her own merit. There is a division of power between the Obi and Omu.

In some other communities in the eastern Nigeria, some aged women and unmarried daughters attend the same village-group council with men.

Around the old Owerri province the "Umuada", an organization of women born within the village, constitutes part of the governing body of the village. They help to run women's and other community affairs with the association of married women in that community, which is called "Asawa".

Umuada also help to make sure that decisions taken at the village-group council are implemented. They settle disputes for men and women alike, and thereby help to maintain peace.

The asawa around the old Owerri province is the equivalent of the kindred and village associations of the men, and is headed by a chairperson. The executive also includes a secretary, a financial secretary, a treasurer and a provost. The officers hold office for a defined period. There is however usually no limit to the number of terms. The executive usually includes two men called "Diasawa", which, literally translated, means "the husband of Asawa". Diasawa are usually selected from the noble men of the kindred by the women through some kind of balloting at a meeting. The selected men are informed of the intention of the women to make them diasawa. The diasawa apart from advising the women on issues pertaining to the custom and tradition of the kindred provide a necessary link between the asawa (i.e. women's association) and the kindred union (i.e. the men's association). This arrangement is the same at village level. There is usually, also, an umbrella organisation for the women - "Asawa Ukwu" - at the town level.

Unlike the town union, membership to Asawa or to Asawa Ukwu is not automatic. Usually every newly married woman registers at the kindred level with some money and drinks. However all the married women in each kindred belong to the Asawa. At the town level "Asawa ukwu", that is the women wing of the town union, coordinates all the Asawa at village level. The Asawa ukwu apart from mobilizing the women also undertakes community development projects like building of markets, secondary schools, hospitals, bore holes etc.

The Asawa also settle disputes among women as well as disputes between husband and wife that could lead to divorce. The role of the "Asawa ukwu" as a parallel organization to the town union is vital - it helps to mobilize the women and settle disputes concerning the women folk in particular. It is an important organ of local administration in Igboland.

In the communities chosen for study, Ifakala and Mberi, the "Asawa Ukwu" has different names. The difference in name notwithstanding, the system and nature of the organization is the same.

In Ifakala, the "Asawa Ukwu" is Ifakala women's organization (ITU), women's wing. The ITU women's wing is headed by chair-person, Mrs., E.N. Ndulagum, of Agwuoche village. Even though all the five villages in Ifakala have been with their Asawa since the existence of the villages, the "Asawa Ukwu" or ITU women wing can be traced to the early 1970s immediately after the Nigerian civil war. The executive of the women's wing consists of all the officers of the association, i.e. the Chair-person, the Secretary, Financial Secretary, Treasurer, three Provosts and other appointed members.

The women's wing also has branches in major cities in Nigeria: e.g. (ITU) women's wing Aba, Onitsha, Lagos Port-Harcourt, etc.

All the married women in Ifakala are members of the (ITU) women's wing; some unmarried daughters who are elderly are also members of the (ITU) women's wing. Membership of the village "Asawa" is mandatory. You must belong to the village Asawa before you are registered in the "Asawa Ukwu".

The (ITU) women's wing organizes the women, and helps to enforce code of conduct for women in Ifakala. The Asawa ukwu also has executed or participated in the execution of some notable community projects like the building of Ifakala Market, Ifakala Water project, and Ifakala Vocational College now known as Ifakala junior girls.

The women recognize the (ITU) women's wing as the apex union for the women in Ifakala; the women can easily be mobilized through the union.

The annual general August meeting, popularly called "Abroad meeting". is an important forum for decision making. Ifakala women at home and abroad attend this meeting. In the meeting abroad, matters concerning women's welfare and development projects in Ifakala are discussed.

Presently the (ITU) women's wing is trying to find its feet. The crises between the late Eze Ahaneku and the Mr. Uba L. of Ifakala Town Union affected the "Asawa ukwu". Women from Amafor village and Owerre village pulled out of the (ITU) women's wing and formed the "Obiwuruotu" women's association. Though the Obiwuruotu women's organization has achieved some success, like sinking a bore hole beside Ifakala market, its formation has affected the strength of (ITU) women's wing.

The newly installed Eze, Eze Michael Ekeruo, who is like the chief patron of (ITU) women's wing, is contributing a lot to revitalise the (ITU) women's wing. The Eze started (ITU) women's wing widows' fund, which the Itu women's wing helps to operate. Ever widow in Ifakala autonomous community is given Two Thounited snakesnd Naira (N2,000.00) annually from this fund, provided by Eze Michael Ekeruo.

The women are in the majority; mobilizing them and organizing them is important to ensure good governance. The (ITU) Eze crisis is a major set back which affected good governance in Ifakala. The women could have gone far in terms of community development projects and other areas of good governance.

However, the crisis is also an "eye opener". The newly installed Eze is participating actively in women's affairs, perhaps to popularize himself and gain the support of the women. The Eze/town union crisis must have heightened the Eze's responsiveness and involvement in the affairs and welfare of the women through the Itu women's wing. This is a remarkable improvement and indication of good governance. The situation was not like this before the crisis; in fact, the late Eze Ahaneku has had no business with the (ITU) women's wing since the crisis ended.

The (ITU) also invites the chairperson of the (ITU) women's wing during their Christmas and Easter Conferences. The (ITU) confers with the leaders of the women's wing on issues of administration and good governance in the community. This has improved the relationship between the men and women and improved good governance in the community considering the numerical strength of women. Their participation in the organization and administration of the community will definitely enhance good governance and general mobilization of the people.

ALADIMMA WOMEN ASSOCIATION MBIERI (Mbieri Development Union Women's Wing)

The apex women's organization in Mbieri is called the Aladimma Women Association. The association is led by Mrs. C. U. Iheukwu of Ubakuru village. In all the eighteen villages in Mbieri there is an "Aladimma". Though, the Aladimma is as old as the villages, it became an important forum for women's organization and mobilization since 1971. Thus the Aladimma became an important instrument of local administration.

The Aladimma Women's Organization (MDU Wing) has a written constitution. Its executive is made up of the General President, the Secretary General, the Financial Secretary, Treasurer and Provosts.

The women's wing has branches in all the major cities in Nigeria. Membership is compulsory for all married women in Mbieri, and these women from the various towns form the branches although the women from the villages are also a part.

The Aladimma organizes the women from kindred level to Mbieri level. The women see to the peaceful co-existence of men and women. The Aladimma has undertaken important development projects like Mbieri general hospital, bore hole scheme and electricity project. The women executed the Mbieri general hospital themselves, and also contribute to projects executed by the MDU. The various village Aladimmas also execute community development projects: the Aladimma of Awo village is currently building a civic hall.

The women recognize the Aladimma women's organization, MDU wing, as the apex organization for Mbieri women.

Important decisions and elections take place during the annual general meetings in August in which women living at home and abroad participate.

The Eze and General President of MDU attend the women's general meeting in August. Their role is to declare the meeting open, address the women and leave the women to continue with their meeting. There is no interference from the MDU or any other organization. This has fostered good governance because decisions are taken through the democratic process.

The Eze's wife, lolo Achuke, is like a matron to the Aladimma; she works hand in hand with the general President of the Aladimma.

The MDU also invites the leaders of the Aladimma to their Christmas and Easter Conferences. There is an harmonious relationship between the MDU and Aladimma. This has fostered good governance in Mbieri, since there is peace, stability and security in the community which makes for progress and good governance.

3.4 Other Local Institutions for Governance

In both Ifakala and Mbieri, there are other institutions that play roles in the governance of the communities. There is the council of "Ozo" title holders commonly called "Nde Nze na Ozo". There is also the council of elders called "Nde Okii" in the old Owerri province. The Ozo title is the highest traditional title in most of the community in Igboland, although in some areas there appear to be higher titles. Nde Nze is an exclusive association for the noble and wealthy men of the community. Holders of the Ozo title, apart from being sufficiently wealthy to take the title, are men of transparent character and honesty. A man who is found wanting in character cannot hold the Ozo title. In fact, the town crier of the community goes round the village with the name of any aspiring candidate making inquiries and beckoning on the villagers to come and testify to the candidate's conduct and character before he is initiated. "The title elevates the holder to a superior social, ritual and political status" (Nzimiro, 1972).

The candidate passes through different stages before he is initiated. The first stage, which is "Ikpo Oku nze", involves inviting all the holders of Ozo titles in the community to a gathering. After lavish entertainment, the candidate informs them of his intention to take the Ozo title.

"Igwuonumonu" is the administration of the Ozo oath on the candidate. The candidate is reminded that his word must be his bond. He is accordingly forbidden from telling lies or involvement in any form of injustice. He is expected, at all times and in all places, to conduct himself with due decorum.

"Izu ahia Oza" is the last stage. This involves elaborate entertainment for both the Ozo title-holders and commoners. It marks the formal introduction of the candidate to the community, where he is accompanied by Ozo title-holders to the market where he is presented to the people as an Ozo title-holder. These ceremonies transform the ritual status of the candidate and make his person semi-sacred. "The elaborate and lavish entertainment which follows the procedure indicates the social status" (Nzimiro, 1972). The candidate's wife or the most senior wife is also initiated as a "Lolo". After initiation, the title-holder may no longer eat in public. He may not eat cola-nut "broken" by a man who is not an Ozo title-holder. In the precolonial days a commoner cannot speak in the midst of Ozo title-holders talk, as well as not breaking cola-nut or drinking with them.

Collectively, the Ozo title-holders are called "Nde Nze" or council of Ozo title holders. The Ozo title was regarded as a mark of accomplishment in many parts of Igboland. Truth and honesty are recognized as distinguishing characteristics of Nde Nze. The word of an nze was his bond. It was perhaps, in recognition of the sterling qualities of the title-holders that people had taken their disputes to Nde Nze for adjudication. The practice however, has become less common and is found only among the older and more traditional generation.

In the historic past, Nde Nze was a select and elite group, and personal integrity counted very high as a requirement for entry into the group. Following the general debasement of societal values, wealth and affluence have become dominant factors and anybody who has the means can take up an Ozo title. The institution nevertheless still exist though its role in the governance of the community has become minor.

The council of Ozo title-holders has legitimacy as an ancient and respected organ of governance in traditional Igbo society. Another source of strength has been its stability which derives perhaps from the fact that it has never been open to all and sundry but has been highly selective in the recruitment of members.

The council of Ozo title-holders also derives strength from its judicial system that has proved effective in conflict resolution. Because Nde Nze consists of men of integrity and influential members of the traditional society, their decisions were respected. Their judicial system was fast, simple, efficient and relatively much cheaper than the formal legal system.

A source of weakness of the Ozo institution is the fact that it is not entirely open; there is a considerable level of secrecy in conducting the affairs of the institution. There are some elements of divination or fetish practices involved in taking the Ozo title. For this reason, some Christian denominations have barred their members from taking the title. Other sects have tried to modify the initiation ceremonies by insisting that their members wishing to take the title must omit the fetish practices but should instead come to church for blessing.

What appears to be another source of weakness is the lack of written records of the system. Information is transmitted by oral means and there is no documentation of proceedings of meetings and ceremonies.

There is also the argument that the Ozo institution has tended to fuse power into a few hands. This situation derives, of course from the restricted membership of the institution.

The weakness notwithstanding, the Ozo institution has to some extent continued to serve the purpose of an important organ for local governance and dispensation of justice. It also provides the opportunity for perpetuating valuable traditional norms that have weathered the storm of time. Besides, the institution, if not debased or corrupted, could provide the opportunity for giving recognition to honest and diligent citizens who have made a significant contribution to the welfare of the community and local administration.

Nde Okii is the council of elders. It is made up of the eldest men in each kindred or village. Land disputes, inheritance cases, village and kindred seniority disputes are referred to Ndi Okii; therefore the council of elders assists in local governance. It could be regarded as a special organ of governance.

3.5. The Town Union and Eze Institution in the Context of Civil Society

Since the emergence of the society and the institution of government as an instrument of the state, the increasing powers of the state have continued to be a source of concern to the people and civil society organizations. The state and state-based institutions appear to have full control of civil society in the management of social, economic and political affairs of the people. The persistence of social, economic and political crisis is seen as an indication of the poor performance of the state and state-based institutions in this role. There is therefore an increasing awareness of the need to allow civil society organizations a greater role in the governance of communities, decentralise governance, and encourage economic growth, political and social stability and foster self-reliance as well as accountability and transparency.

Two conceptions of "civil society" appear to dominate current analysis. They are the political and sociological conceptions. The two are as different as the disciplinary origins and the emergent social and political philosophies from which they are derived. For the purpose of the broad research programme of which this study is a part, civil society is defined as:

   An intermediate realm situated between state and household, populated by organized groups or associations which are separate from state, enjoy some autonomy in relation to the state, and are formed voluntarily by members of society to protect or extend their interests, values or identities.

The above definition provides some basis for classifying the Eze Institution and the Town Union. The two institutions could appear to be social organizations situated in the public realm beyond the basic blocks of society. By and large, the distinguishing features of the two institutions are separation, autonomy and voluntariness. Both institutions would appear to be separate from the government. The Eze Institution is nevertheless a creation of government and is perceived by many as an arm of the state government at the autonomous community level. Having seen the historical origin of the Eze Institution from the 1916 ordinance that created the warrant chiefs and the 1978 Chieftaincy Edict that created the Eze Institution, this points to the fact that the Eze Institution is state-based. In the first place, the Eze Institution is a creation of government. Secondly, the Eze, though not selected by the government, is first of all presented on his selection to the local government. Having gained the recognition of the chairman, he is subsequently presented to the state administrator/governor from whom he receives the staff of office. Thirdly, the Eze is a member of the government-instituted council. Traditional rulers functioned as a consultative arm of the government especially during the military regime. As a member of the council, the Eze receives a stipend from government. Finally, the Eze may be removed from office by the government, a prerogative that the people over whom the Eze reigns do not ordinarily enjoy.

From all indications, the Eze, established by government statutes, crowned by the government, paid by the government and removed at will by the government, cannot be said to enjoy a high level of autonomy. The system is highly dependent on the government. Lack of autonomy is perhaps exemplified by the rather ignoble collective role of Igbo traditional rulers in lending support to the self-succession bid of General sani Abacha, even against the wishes of the majority of Igbo people. The action of the traditional rulers perhaps stemmed from the fact that General Abacha's regime mapped out 5% of the national revenue for the traditional rulers. The dictum that he who pays the piper dictates the tune would appear to apply in the relationship between the Eze Institution and the government

The state government and the police consult with the Eze on various matters concerning his community. The Eze enjoys official recognition as the representative of the people and generally has greater access to government functionaries than the leadership of the Town Union. While there is separation between the Eze Institution and the government, the Institution is seen as an instrument of the state for effecting governance at community level. It is therefore considered to be in the realm of the state for the purpose of this study.

The Town Union on the other hand has legitimacy which derives from the fact that it was created by the people. It is the apex of the system of "unions" and "associations" which operate from the family level through the kindred and village levels to the town level.

All other unions/associations (family, kindred and village unions, social clubs and cultural clubs etc.) recognise the pre-eminence of the town union. Major issues concerning the town are decided at the Town Union meeting. For instance, issues pertaining to the selection/election of the Eze are usually discussed at the Town Union meeting. It is a forum for addressing all economic, socio-cultural and political issues affecting the town. It provides the forum for fostering community development and for implementing self-help projects. It also "legislates" against practices that threaten law and order in the town and imposes sanctions as required. Thus, apart from the developmental role, the Town Union is deeply involved in governance, mobilization and political participation.

Government occasionally provides a matching grant for community development projects usually executed under the auspices of the Town Union. Otherwise, the Town Union is independent of government. The government does not exercise direct control over the Town Union, as is the case with the Eze Institution.

The president (or chairman) of the Town Union wields as much influence as, if not more than, the Eze in some respects. The fact is that the tradition of the Town Union and its chairman dates far beyond the official creation of autonomous communities and Eze Institution. While the Eze is suppose to take precedence in ceremonial and cultural affairs, and enjoys officials' recognition by government, the chairman of the Town Union provides the real rallying point for local governance and for incepting development projects. The relationship between the Eze and the chairman of the Town Union has been likened to that of the British monarchy and the prime minister. The relationship, however, as it applies here, is not clearly defined and has been a source of conflict in the communities.

In summary, there is no doubt that the Town Union is separate from government. It is autonomous and operates a constitution with no clearly defined links with government. It is a civil society organisation.

4.0 CASE STUDIES OF ENCOUNTER BETWEEN TOWN UNION AND EZE INSTITUTION.

4.1 Mbieri Town Union

The Mbieri Town Union is called the Mbieri Development Union (MDU). The MDU is said to be almost as old as Mbieri town. The Union has a written constitution and is headed by a President-General. It is at the apex of a system of 18 village unions and a host of kindred meetings.

The Mbieri Development Union has an executive council consisting of the President-General, the 1st and 2nd Vice Presidents, the Secretary General and the Assistant Secretary General. Other members of the executive include the Financial Secretary, the Treasurer, the Public Relations Officer and Provosts.

The union has branches in major urban centres across the country. Notably strong branches exist in Lagos, Aba, Port Harcourt, Umuahia and Owerri in the south, and Kano, Kaduna and Makurdi in the north. The MDU also has a strong branch in Cameroon.

The membership of the union consists of all male indigenes who have attained the age of 21 years. In fact, all male indigenes automatically become members of the union on reaching the age of 21 years. All unmarried daughters of Mbieri on attaining the age of 45 years also become members of the MDU. There is no registration fee for individuals but villages pay a registration fee of N50.00. A distinction however has to be made between active and nominal membership. An active member would pay levies and participate in the programmes of the union. Apparently, what one attains on reaching the age of 21 is nominal membership.

The common sanction for erring members is to impose fines. Where the erring member is unwilling to pay the fine he loses his welfare rights in times of upheaval, like the burial ceremony

[Ajaguna]

Ese pupo! This article is very detailed and informative. There is much to be learned here. I want to look into the matter of the "osu" more just to be clear on the function and origins of the institution.