Endemic violence in postcolonial Namibia-gctid44608

[Ajamu]

Endemic violence in postcolonial Namibia

 Shaun R. Whittaker

 2011-08-03, Issue 543

 http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/75423

   

cc C M'Colonialism  signified nothing less than the collective traumatising of the Namibian  people who must carry the heavy burden of the consequences for  generations,' writes Shaun R. Whittaker.

Frantz Fanon participated actively in the anti-colonial struggles in  northern Kmt, which is currently undergoing an astonishing phase of  social change. It was probably inevitable that Fanon's magnum opus about  colonialism, 'The Wretched of the Earth', would start off with a  discourse about violence. With a sense of urgency, Fanon (1963)  asserted:

'National liberation, national renaissance, the restoration of  nationhood to the people, commonwealth: whatever may be the headings  used or the new formulas introduced, decolonization is always a violent  phenomenon... The naked truth of decolonization evokes for us the searing  bullets and bloodstained knives which emanate from it... you will see the  native reaching for his knife at the slightest hostile or aggressive  glance cast on him by another native; for the last resort of the native  is to defend his personality vis-à-vis his brother' (pp. 35-37).

Fanon's pivotal thesis was that the political violence of the colonised  was revolutionary in nature and an unavoidable aspect of the  anti-colonial struggle. Colonialism was sustained through repressive  violence and could only be overthrown through liberating violence.  Furthermore, it amplified different types of violence. Although criminal  violence, for instance, represents the opposite of political violence,  these kinds of violence are interlinked. The quick reaching for a knife  or, even worse, in this day and age, a machete, that symbol of genocidal  violence, to defend a social identity, is usually done by young males  with a humiliated status, and the defending or attacking is usually done  vis-à-vis other youthful men, but, also of course women and children.  In post-colonial society, this displaced aggression continues to be  connected to the shame of a low social-status or a subordinate identity.  The continuation, or even intensification, of violence is consequently  to be expected.

Using a powerful, yet apt image, Fanon referred to colonialism as 'an  avalanche of murders.' The overwhelming violence implied in this phrase  captures the essence of what colonialism and apartheid were about.  Oppressing others leaves behind a culture of endemic violence. Namibians  should admit that colonialism was much more than what is implicit in  Fanon's phrase, namely, that it was an avalanche of murders, assaults,  robberies, rapes, suicides, tortures, imprisonments, abuses, etc.  Colonialism signified nothing less than the collective traumatising of  the Namibian people who must carry the heavy burden of the consequences  for generations. In this regard, the alarming legacy of bloodshed is  everywhere in southern Kmt: The anti-colonial fighters who were  imprisoned and beaten, the detainees who were tortured, the women who  were raped and molested, the children who were abused and collectively  punished, the unemployed and the ex-colonial soldiers who commit  suicide, the families who mourn for loved ones, the general trauma and  self-destruction of the people.

Due to this appalling inheritance from colonialism, Fanon was of the  view that a negotiated political settlement, like in Namibia, would not  lead to fundamental social change. The complicated process of  decolonisation would be unsuccessful and the politically independent  nation would be, in Fanon's words, 'an empty shell, a crude and fragile  travesty of what it might have been' (p.148). In such a neocolonial or  neo-apartheid society, violence would become internalised and the people  would be torn apart by differences of social class, tribe, gender,  religion, etc. The ex-colonised would become demoralised and  disheartened by the lack of grassroots change.

Indeed, it is against this background that the northern Kmtyw revolts  should be comprehended. The mass uprisings against neoliberalism in  those post-colonial societies signify the historical appearance of a  world-wide interregnum right in front of our eyes. Social change there  has happened, not due to revolutionary violence, as postulated by Fanon,  but due to mass action or street power, which have had more empowering  consequences. Nevertheless, at least since the Great Recession, the  post-colonial societies, in particular, have irrevocably moved beyond  the honeymoon phase of political independence.

STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE

Postcolonial Namibia was born in the aftermath of the historical  disintegration of the Soviet Union and the consequent hegemony of what  French philosopher, Daniel Bensaid, termed 'neo-liberal  authoritarianism.' This economic authoritarianism, derived from the  political power of the right-wing, is manifested in increasing social  inequality and pauperisation, which tragically had become the defining  feature of postcolonial and post-apartheid southern Kmt. In Namibia,  specifically, the shift from pre-independence Keynesianism to  postcolonial neoliberalism laid the foundation of increasing social  fragmentation. Neoliberal authoritarianism led to the constant downward  spiral in the living conditions of the people and ensures exorbitant  food prices, rampant unemployment and endemic violence.

Expressions of social inequality have reached catastrophic levels. The  rising food prices, in particular, had the greatest immediate impact on  the lives of the people and have resulted in widespread anger and  frustration. The speculation with food on the global stock markets and  the development of so-called biofuels mean that humanity everywhere  entered an era in which the specter of mass hunger has become all too  common. The question of large-scale hunger is not going to be easily  resolved and, needless to say, this holds grave implications with  regards to violence.

ORGANISED VIOLENCE

Militarism is about power and control over others. In Namibia, this  organised violence was an outflow of a century of colonialism which not  only aimed at entrenching social inequality, but also establishing  patterns of gratuitous violence. Just a few decades ago, the northern  part of the country was the most militarised zone in the world and had  to endure a 20-year state of emergency. Since colonialism was upheld  through militarism, the armed struggle became the principle form of  resistance and, consequently, the militarist culture lives on in the  country. Namibian monuments like Heroes Acre are very real examples of  the continuing presence of militarism. This militarisation is not only  confined to the ever-expanding Namibian military, but is also evident in  the police force and prison service. In addition, the paramilitary  Special Field Force absorbed former combatants, while the National Youth  Service targets the youth with a program of militarism. The military  mindset is ingrained in the postcolonial psyche.

Militarism remains an indispensable part of neoliberal authoritarianism.  The progressive Namibian intellectual, Alex Kaure (2011), has  consistently drawn attention to the increasing militarisation in the  country. The military budget continued to escalate over the past few  years and the Namibian army recruits large numbers of young people every  year. The country is firmly on the road to rising militarisation.

Militarism distorts the male identity into a hyper-masculine identity  and reinforces male authoritarianism. In the main, young males are the  perpetrators, as well as the victims, of the different kinds of  violence, whether or not this happens as soldiers, tsotsis or  protestors. In turn, the militarised male identity is central to the  violence against women and children.

It is indeed in this context that sexual violence – as an instrument of  power – and rape, in particular – as a political weapon of intimidation  and punishment – are often manifested. The aim is to terrorise and  humiliate the political opposition as seen in Zimbabwe; this kind of  violence is clearly motivated by a political agenda. This sexual  violence represents an intersection of militarism and the oppression of  women. The paramilitary male youth groups usually target young women,  which leave them with the scars of trauma, HIV/AIDS and unwanted  pregnancies. This political violence is also deliberately perpetrated in  front of family or community members in order to spread mass trauma.  With regards to Namibia, it should also be admitted that there is  tremendous silence about the political rape of women during the national  liberation struggle.

The reality is that militarism impacts on all levels of Namibian  society. Ultimately, it militates against nation-building and creates a  vertical structure. Militarism also compliments other vertical  structures such as tribal authorities and churches. There exists a  strong need to demilitarise minds in postcolonial society.

EVERYDAY VIOLENCE

A disturbing feature of postcolonial society is the horrific homicides  in everyday life. Human life is cheap. Hardly a day goes by without some  serious knifing or fighting or altercation taking place. Unwarranted  violence is everywhere.

Homicides are linked to social class status and occur more frequently in  working class communities. A crucial contributing factor to homicides  are the alarming unemployment figures in the country. The violent person  is usually unemployed or in a low-level job with not much hope of a  better future. Unemployed people simply have limited resources.

Of course, the tragedy of a highly unequal society such as Namibia is  that the social comparison effect is greater in that people experience  their desperation more intensely. Young people compare their miserable  lives in the townships with the opulent lifestyles of the elite and  aspire to live like that. So, the relativity of deprivation enhances  people's frustrations. This awareness, combined with the reality of the  violence-prone person being semi-literate, illiterate or a school  dropout, makes for an explosive recipe.

Perpetrators of everyday violence often live in an informal settlement  or a township which is characterised by dehumanising conditions. A  heavily confined living space or the fact of overcrowding leads to very  little respect for personal boundaries.

The disintegration of the extended family in Namibia has also certainly  contributed significantly to the endemic violence. The break-up of even  this kind of family has given rise to female-headed households becoming  the social norm, with the phenomenon of absent fathers on the increase.  Women have to settle for low-income jobs to sustain the single-parent  household. The single mother is under tremendous pressure to do the  impossible, that is, to financially support the whole family.

Unsurprisingly, the chronic abuse of alcohol and drugs is typical with  those who are so violent; it is almost as if people have to numb  themselves from the harsh conditions of everyday life. With the  substance abuse situation in Namibia being so totally out of control,  this contributes immensely to the gratuitous violence.

In her response to the brilliant lecture called 'Freud and the  Non-eureurasiaan', by the Palestinian intellectual, Edward Said (2003), the  psychoanalyst Jacqueline Rose argued that trauma survivors tend to  repeat the patterns of violence and persecution visited upon them. This  is easily observed in Namibia. By far the more interesting issue raised  by the psychoanalyst is that trauma can lead to dogmatic and irrational  thinking. If this kind of cognitive structures are pervasive in an  entire society, then shifting it is a challenge of huge proportions. It  could be assumed, for instance, that such a society is highly  vulnerable, relatively disintegrated and without much solidarity.  Symbolic violence is thus rampant.

SYMBOLIC VIOLENCE

In the context of neoliberal authoritarianism, the ever-worsening  economic situation and the struggle over basic resources, the people  all-too-easily single out scapegoats. When times are hard, the  humiliating status of people is expressed as displaced aggression  towards those perceived to be weak or of a low social status. This  process often targets groups of people that have been subjugated before,  but ultimately any social marker could be utilised for this nefarious  purpose.

Since social categories are linked to political power and ultimately  access to wealth, this process has significant consequences.  The  symbolic violence of labeling or categorizing others is in the final  analysis a smokescreen for access to material benefits or for justifying  the deprivation of others.

In the Namibian situation, the resurgence in tribalism, in particular,  has been alarming. It would seem that Namibians have learned very little  from the genocide of central Kmt. Many years ago already, the  Namibian political scientist, Alfredo Hengari (2007), bemoaned the  'authoritarian tribal sensibilities' which have become commonplace in  the country and the 'dangerous tribal consensus' in the way politics is  conducted. This phenomenon has been most noticeable in the competition  for jobs in both government and the so-called private sector. The  greatest danger in the reluctance to counter tribalism in this country  is that it places the entire deracialisation project and national unity  in general in jeopardy.

It is relevant to point out that tribalism usually pretends to derive  legitimacy from a romanticised understanding of culture and tradition;  it idealises a homogeneity and timelessness that simply did not exist in  pre-colonial times. Identities are not frozen in time and shift in  meaning with different socio-economic circumstances. On the question of  identity, the South Kmtyw activist, Neville Alexander (2002),  maintained that the rejection of an ascribed identity 'is part of the  larger social struggle for equality, freedom, dignity and fair access to  the resources of the country.'

Of course, gender identities are also contested. Assumptions about the  'authoritarian male' and the 'submissive female' should equally be  rejected as constructions of dominant groups. Female devaluation results  in widespread violence against women, in households, in bushes, in  urban areas, in rural areas, just about everywhere. Can any Namibian  ever forget the heart-wrenching case of the young Magdalena Stoffels?

The disconcerting state of gender equality in Namibia is also reflected  in the deafening silence in the public domain about the reproductive  rights of women. It is simply astounding that, after so many years of  political independence, Namibian women have not yet won this imperative  democratic right.

A strong link exists amongst the increasing gender oppression, the  rising religious extremism and the spread of neo-liberal  authoritarianism. In this part of the world, the notion of religious  conservatism is automatically associated with Islamic extremism. Other  forms of dangerous religious intolerance as manifested in Christianity,  Judaism and Hinduism are seldom acknowledged. During colonial times,  Christian extremism was promoted as a way to entrench conflict and as an  effective buffer against enlightened values. So, postcolonial Namibia  remains deeply fractured by the very many Christian sects. The  artificial barriers of religious sectarianism should be countered as  obstacles to tolerance and solidarity.

Secularism is about valuing all human beings, not only those from a  certain religion; it argues that human beings construct their own  history and are their own agents of change. Furthermore, secularism  empowers people with notions of a critical mind and reasoning ability,  and puts forth a progressive view about freedom of conscience.

CONCLUSION

Finally, an analysis of violence as a social phenomenon should be driven  by the desire to reassert humanistic values. In this historical phase  of neoliberal authoritarianism, the tremendous import of a radical  humanism cannot be overstated. With regards to political rape, in  particular, a campaign throughout southern Kmt against the rising  militarisation should be seriously considered. We should prevail upon  governments in this region to terminate the paramilitary programmes as  well.

In referring to the denigration of the Palestinian identity by Zionist  ideology, Edward Said (2001), in an agonising tone, confided that such  an identity represents the 'punishing destiny of being held hostage by a  dehumanizing ideology.' The people of southern Kmt should take on  the daunting task of moving beyond the labels that attempt to restrict  their humanity. After all, the greatest relationship of all is that  which embraces the whole of humankind.